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Timeline of the name Palestine

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Further information: Cartography of Palestine and Travelogues of Palestine Adriaan Reland's 1712 Palaestina ex Monumentis Veteribus Illustrata (Palestine's Ancient Monuments Illustrated) contains an early description and timeline of the historical references to the name "Palestine." This article presents a list of notable historical references to the name Palestine as a place name in the Middle East throughout the history of the region, including its cognates such as "Filastin" and "Palaestina." The term "Peleset" ( transliterated from hieroglyphs as P-r-s-t ) is found in five inscriptions referring to a neighboring people or land starting from circa 1150 BC during the Twentieth Dynasty of Egypt . The first known mention is at the temple at Medinet Habu which refers to the Peleset among those who fought with Egypt in Ramesses III 's reign, and the last known is 300 years later on Padiiset's Statue .1 The Assyrians called the same region "Palashtu/Palastu" or "Pilistu," beginning with Adad-nirari III in the Nimrud Slab in c. 800 BC through to an Esarhaddon treaty more than a century later. Neither the Egyptian nor the Assyrian sources provided clear regional boundaries for the term. The first appearance of the term "Palestine" was in 5th century BC Ancient Greece when Herodotus wrote of a "district of Syria, called Palaistinê " between Phoenicia and Egypt in The Histories .2 Herodotus applied the term to both the coastal and the inland regions such as the Judean mountains and the Jordan Rift Valley . Later Greek writers such as Aristotle , Polemon and Pausanias also used the word, which was followed by Roman writers such as Ovid , Tibullus , Pomponius Mela , Pliny the Elder , Dio Chrysostom , Statius , Plutarch as well as Roman Judean writers Philo of Alexandria and Josephus . The word is not found on any Hellenistic coin or inscription, and is first known in official use in the early second century AD. It has been contended that in the first century authors still associated the term with the southern coastal region. In 135 AD, the Greek " Syria Palaestina " was used in naming a new Roman province from the merger of Roman Syria and Roman Judaea after the Roman authorities crushed the Bar Kokhba Revolt . Circumstantial evidence links Hadrian to the renaming of the province, which took place around the same time as Jerusalem was refounded as Aelia Capitolina, but the precise date of the change in province name is uncertain. The common view that the name change was intended to "sever the connection of the Jews to their historical homeland" is disputed.3 Around the year 390, during the Byzantine period , the imperial province of Syria Palaestina was reorganized into Palaestina Prima , Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Salutaris . Following the Muslim conquest , place names that were in use by the Byzantine administration generally continued to be used in Arabic. The use of the name "Palestine" became common in Early Modern English , was used in English and Arabic during the Mutasarrifate of Jerusalem . In the 20th century the name was used by the British to refer to " Mandatory Palestine ," a territory from the former Ottoman Empire which had been divided in the Sykes–Picot Agreement and secured by Britain via the Mandate for Palestine obtained from the League of Nations . Starting from 2013, the term was officially used in the eponymous " State of Palestine ." Both incorporated geographic regions from the land commonly known as Palestine , into a new state whose territory was named Palestine. Eberhard Schrader wrote in his seminal "Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung" ("KGF", in English "Cuneiform inscriptions and Historical Research") that the Assyrian term "Pilistu" referred to "the East" in general. Herodotus, who had traveled through the area, would have had firsthand knowledge of the land and its people. Yet he used Palaistinê to refer not to the Land of the Philistines, but to the Land of Israel Jacobson 1999 .4 The Geographical System of Herodotus Examined and Explained: By a Comparison with Those of Other Ancient Authors, and with Modern Geography ... The city of Jerusalem he names Cadytis, doubtless meant for the Arabian name Al Kads, the holy : in effect, a translation of the other. He says, Thalia, 5, " that it is a city belonging to the Syrians of Palestine; and in his opinion, equal to Sardis."” Gösta Werner Ahlström; Gary Orin Rollefson; Diana Vikander Edelman (1993). Thus, there is a tradition from at least the fifth century BCE for the use of this name” Isidore Singer; Cyrus Adler (1925). The Jewish encyclopedia: a descriptive record of the history, religion, literature, and customs of the Jewish people from the earliest times to the present day . Funk and Wagnalls. : Unknown parameter |titlelink= ignored ( |title-link= suggested) ( help ) : “As early as Herodotus, who is followed by other classical writers, as Ptolemy and Pliny, the phrase Συρίε ἡ Παλαιστίνη (Syrian Palestine, Palestine of Syria) denotes both the littoral and the neighboring inland region (Judea and Palestine), as well as the entire interior as far as the Arabian desert” Nur Masalha , The Concept of Palestine: The Conception Of Palestine from the Late Bronze Age to the Modern Period, Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies, Volume 15 Issue 2, Page 143-202: “Herodotus uses the name accordingly and Aristotle, for example, used the term in a way that includes the regions of Transjordan, or 'Eastern Palestine', beyond the Jordan Rift Valley. Herodotus' conception of Palaistine included the Galilee and applied to Palestine in the wider sense.” Jacobson 1999 : "The first known occurrence of the Greek word Palaistine is in the Histories of Herodotus, written near the mid-fifth century B.C. Palaistine Syria, or simply Palaistine, is applied to what may be identified as the southern part of Syria, comprising the region between Phoenicia and Egypt. Although some of Herodotus' references to Palestine are compatible with a narrow definition of the coastal strip of the Land of Israel, it is clear that Herodotus does call the "whole land by the name of the coastal strip."..."It is believed that Herodotus visited Palestine in the fifth decade of the fifth century B.C."..."In the earliest Classical literature references to Palestine generally applied to the Land of Israel in the wider sense." FELDMAN, LOUIS H. Hebrew Union College Annual . 61 : 1– 23. Hence, when Herodotus (3.91), the first classical writer to mention Palestine, speaks of the fifth province of the Persians as including Phoenicia and the part of Syria called Palestine and Cyprus; the part of Syria called Palestine either refers only to the coastal area, so called because it had been inhabited by the Philistines, or he is speaking loosely, since the only part of the area that he had visited was apparently along the coast. Hence he called the whole land by the name of the coastal strip. That Herodotus has in mind the coastal strip may be inferred from the fact that he mentions (4.39) the peninsula running from Phoenicia beside the sea by the way of Syrian Palestine (literally Palestinian, that is Philistine, Syria). He likewise mentions (7.89) the Syrians of Palestine (again, presumably, he is thinking of the people along the coast) in juxtaposition with the famous seafarers, the Phoenicians, as furnishing no fewer than three hundred ships to the Persians during the second expedition against Greece. If we hear (1.105) 1 at the Scythians were met in Palestinian Syria by Psammetichus, the Egyptian king, it seems likely that the reference is to the coastal area formerly inhabited by the Philistines, inasmuch as we read immediately thereafter that they withdrew by way of the coastal city of Ascalon, which Herodotus locates in Syria. When Herodotus (3.5) tells us of a road which runs from Phoenicia as far as the borders of the city of Cadytis (probably Gaza), "which belongs to the so-called Syrians of Palestine," he again seems to be referring to the coastal area of the Philistines. A problem arises in the passage where Herodotus (2.104.3) asserts that the Phoenicians and the Syrians of Palestine acknowledge of themselves that they learnt the custom of circumcision from the Egyptians. The reference here cannot be to the Philistines, inasmuch as they were uncircumcised (Judges 14.3, etc.). While it is true that Josephus, half a millennium later (Antiquities 8.262 and Against Apion 1.168 ff.), was convinced that the reference was to Jews on the grounds that they alone of the inhabitants of Syria practiced circumcision, other peoples in the region were likewise circumcised, as Jerome (Commentary on Jeremiah 9.25-26) notes; or, more likely, Herodotus' information is derived from second-hand sources (travel inland from the coast was particularly difficult and dangerous in those days)6 which confused the Philistines with the Jewish inhabitants of the region. Indeed, the fact that he couples the Syrians of Palestine with the Phoenicians may be a clue to the fact that he is thinking of the peoples who live, as the Phoenicians did, along the coast.5 That this would be true of Cyprus and Phoenicia is self-evident. However, Herodotus claims the same distinction for Syri he Palaistine kaleomenj ("the part of Syria called Palestine," or "Palestinian Syria"). Hence, in both 3.5 and 3.91, as we have seen, he describes Palestine as a coastal strip. The argument frequently raised, that Herodotus was merely mapping out the Mediterranean coastline, is true so far as it goes. However, Herodotus claims to have been in the country he calls Palestine (2.106); hence, if it had extended inland to any appreciable degree, he would have known and presumably made some comment pertaining to the province's inland reaches. But in 4.39, as part of his grand map of the world, Herodotus describes Palestinian Syria and Phoenicia as comprising the coast of his "second peninsula" as it passes along the Mediterranean. Finally, in 7.89, as part of his description of Xerxes' invasion fleet, Herodotus notes, "The Phoenicians and Palestinian Syrians furnished 300 [triremes]." Thus, Herodotus understands Phoenicia and Palestine to be partners, specifically in maritime enterprise. Most compelling for our purposes, however, is 7:89: "The Phoenicians lived of old, so they say, about the Red Sea, but they came out of there and settled in that part of Syria that is next to the sea. That piece of Syria, and all as far as Egypt, is called Palestine." It is intriguing that here Herodotus seems to use Palestine in a sense inclusive of all the coastland from Egypt north through Phoenicia. Elsewhere (Herodotus 1.105; 2.104; 3.5; 3.91; 4.39), he considers Phoenicia and Palestinian Syria as separate provinces. Particularly to be noted, however, is that the piece of Syria in which the Phoenicians are said to have settled, called here Palestine, is also explicitly said to be para thalas san ("next to, alongside of, the sea").6 Herodotus apparently considered Palestine a coastal region. The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa (1 ed.). Nevertheless, it is important to note that despite its appearance in various literary texts of and pertaining to the Hellenistic period, the term "Palestine" is not found on any extant Hellenistic coin or inscription. In other words, there is no attestation for its use in an official context in the Hellenistic period. Even in the early Roman period its use was not especially widespread. "Palestine" did not come into official use until the early second century a.d., when the emperor Hadrian decided to rename the province of Judaea; for its new name he chose "Syria Palaestina."49 The new name took hold. It is found thereafter in inscriptions, on coins, and in numerous literary texts.50 Thus Arrian (7.9.8, Indica 43.1) and Appian (Syr. 50), who lived in the second century a.d., and Cassius Dio (e.g., 38.38.4, 39.56.6), who lived in the third, referred to the region as "Palestine." And in the rabbinic literature "Palestine" was used as the name of the Roman province adjacent to Phoenicia and Arabia (e.g., Bereshith Rabbah 90.6) Rosenfeld, Ben-Zion (2000). Josephus frequently uses the name Judaea. This name sometimes has a political significance in his writings, referring to Provincia Iudaea, created and named by the Roman administration. At other times Judaea signifies those areas of Palestine whose inhabitants are Jews, and it may also signify the area which was the biblical inheritance of Judah. Yet it seems that Josephus also uses the term to signify "the land of the Jews," indicating the territorial area of the country which, according to Josephus' ideology, belongs to the Jewish state. This sometimes conforms with the biblical utopian vision en compassing all the territory allocated to the Jews-Eretz Israel-and sometimes refers only to a part. I shall use "Judaea" to refer to this last option, unless otherwise stated. "Palestine" will be used to signify the whole region connected with the land of Israel in Josephus' time, including the coastal region, although at that time the term was restricted to the southern part of the coastal region. Hebrew Union College Annual . 61 : 1– 23. Jewish writers, notably Philo and Josephus, with few exceptions refer to the land as Judaea, reserving the name Palestine for the coastal area occupied by the Philistines... Josephus also (Antiquities 1.136) refers to Palestine, but this, too, is in connection with the land of the Philistines, the immediate context being his statement that Phylistinus is the only one of the sons of Mersaeus (i.e., Mizraim) whose country has preserved the name of its founder, that is, Palaistine. In the first place, he refounded Jerusalem as a Graeco-Roman city under the name of Aelia Capitolina.7 However, that Jewish writers such as Philo, in particular, and Josephus, who flourished while Judea was still formally in existence, used the name Palestine for the Land of Israel in their Greek works, suggests that this interpretation of history is mistaken. Hadrian’s choice of Syria Palaestina may be more correctly seen as a rationalization of the name of the new province, in accordance with its area being far larger than geographical Judea. Aristotle's location of the Dead Sea in Palestine fits into place without having to be explained away as an inaccuracy arising from second-hand transmission. Also, Hadrian's replacement of Judaea by Syria Palaestina may be seen not so much as stemming from Rome's desire to rub the Jewish nation off the map as from the desire to rationalize the name of the new province, which was much larger than geographical Judaea. From the time of the Maccabees, the territorial boundaries of Judaea had grown well beyond the confines of the Jewish hill country around Jerusalem. What could be more suitable than an ancient name that had long stood for this much larger entity?8

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