2002 Gujarat violence

The skyline of Ahmedabad filled with smoke as buildings and shops are set on fire by rioting mobs. The 2002 Gujarat violence describes the Godhra train burning and resulting communal riots between Hindus and Muslims . On 27 February 2002 at Godhra City in the state of Gujarat , the Sabarmati Express train was forcibly stopped and attacked by a large Muslim mob. As a result, 59 Hindu passengers — mostly women, children and seniors returning from the holy city of Ayodhya — were burned alive. The attack prompted retaliatory massacres against Muslims on a large scale, in which 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus were killed. 223 more people were reported missing. 523 places of worship were damaged: 298 dargahs, 205 mosques, 17 temples, and 3 churches. Muslim-owned businesses suffered the bulk of the damage. 61,000 Muslims and 10,000 Hindus fled their homes. Preventive arrests of 17,947 Hindus and 3,616 Muslims were made. In total 27,901 Hindus and 7,651 Muslims were arrested. Nearly 10,000 rounds of bullets were fired by the police, killing 93 Muslims and 77 Hindus. The nature of the events remains politically controversial in India. Some commentators have characterized the massacres of Muslims as a genocide in which the state was complicit, while some government sources have countered that the Muslim dead were victims of mere "riots" or "disturbances". The Godhra conspiracy as Justice Nanavati saw it. Times of India . 11 May 2005. : Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= ( help ) "790 Muslims, 254 Hindus perished in post-Godhra" . BBC News . 13 May 2005. : Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= ( help ) [1] " 'Post-Godhra toll: 254 Hindus, 790 Muslims' " . The Geography of Genocide . 2009, page 183-4 T. Oommen Reconciliation in post-Godhra Gujarat: the role of civil society . 2008, page 71

The 2002 Gujarat riots , also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence and the Gujarat pogrom , was a three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat . Following the initial incident there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three weeks; statewide, there were further outbreaks of mass killings against the minority Muslim population for three months. The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims karsevaks returning from Ayodhya , is believed to have triggered the violence. Some commentators, however, hold the view that the attacks had been planned, were well orchestrated, and that the attack on the train was a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence. According to official figures, the riots resulted in the deaths of 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus; 2,500 people were injured non-fatally, and 223 more were reported missing. Other sources estimate that up to 2,000 Muslims died. There were instances of rape , children being burned alive, and widespread looting and destruction of property. The Chief Minister at that time, Narendra Modi , has been accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as have police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court of India . The SIT also rejected claims that the state government had not done enough to prevent the riots. The Muslim community was reported to have reacted with "anger and disbelief," and activist Teesta Setalvad has said that the legal process was not yet complete as there existed a right to appeal. In July 2013 allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence. That December, an Indian court upheld the earlier SIT report and rejected a petition seeking Modi's prosecution. In April 2014, the Supreme Court expressed satisfaction over the SIT's investigations in nine cases related to the violence, and rejected as "baseless" a plea contesting the SIT report. While officially classified as a communalist riot , the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars. Other independent observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide", and called it an instance of state terrorism . Still others have said the incidents were tantamount to ethnic cleansing . Instances of mass violence which occurred include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly alongside a police training camp, the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri , a former parliamentarian , was among those killed, and several incidents in Vadodara city. The Gujarat pogrom: compilation of various reports .

The 2002 Gujarat riots , also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence and the Gujarat pogrom , was a three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat . Following the initial riot incidents, there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three months; statewide, there were further outbreaks of violence against the minority Muslim population for the next year. The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims karsevaks returning from Ayodhya , is cited as having instigated the violence. According to official figures, the riots ended with 1,044 dead, 223 missing, and 2,500 injured. Of the dead, 790 were Muslim and 254 Hindu. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report, estimated that as many as 1,926 may have been killed. Other sources estimated death tolls in excess of 2,000. Many brutal killings and rapes were reported on as well as widespread looting and destruction of property. Narendra Modi , then Chief Minister of Gujarat and later Prime Minister of India , was accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as were police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court of India . The SIT also rejected claims that the state government had not done enough to prevent the riots. The Muslim community was reported to have reacted with anger and disbelief. In July 2013, allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence. That December, an Indian court upheld the earlier SIT report and rejected a petition seeking Modi's prosecution. In April 2014, the Supreme Court expressed satisfaction over the SIT's investigations in nine cases related to the violence, and rejected a plea contesting the SIT report as "baseless". Though officially classified as a communalist riot , the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars, with some commentators alleging that the attacks had been planned, with the attack on the train was a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence. Other observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide," or referred to them as state terrorism or ethnic cleansing . Instances of mass violence include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly adjacent to a police training camp; the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri , a former parliamentarian , was among those killed; and several incidents in Vadodara city. Scholars studying the 2002 riots state that they were premeditated and constituted a form of ethnic cleansing , and that the state government and law enforcement were complicit in the violence that occurred. against Muslims in India against Hindus in independent India Setalvad, Teesta. Democratic Culture: Historical and Philosophical Essays . In Jutta Bakonyi; Berit Bliesemann de Guevara (eds.). The Gujarat pogrom: compilation of various reports . A Companion to the Anthropology of India .

Sectarian violence in the Indian state against Muslims in independent India The 2002 Gujarat riots , also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence , was a three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat . The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims and karsevaks returning from Ayodhya , is cited as having instigated the violence. Following the initial riot incidents, there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three months; statewide, there were further outbreaks of violence against the minority Muslim population of Gujarat for the next year. According to official figures, the riots ended with 1,044 dead, 223 missing, and 2,500 injured. Of the dead, 790 were Muslim and 254 Hindu. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report, estimated that as many as 1,926 may have been killed. Other sources estimated death tolls in excess of 2,000. Many brutal killings and rapes were reported on as well as widespread looting and destruction of property. Narendra Modi , then Chief Minister of Gujarat and later Prime Minister of India , was accused of condoning the violence, as were police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court of India . The SIT also rejected claims that the state government had not done enough to prevent the riots. The Muslim community was reported to have reacted with anger and disbelief. In July 2013, allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence. That December, an Indian court upheld the earlier SIT report and rejected a petition seeking Modi's prosecution. In April 2014, the Supreme Court expressed satisfaction over the SIT's investigations in nine cases related to the violence, and rejected a plea contesting the SIT report as "baseless". Though officially classified as a communalist riot , the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars, with some commentators alleging that the attacks had been planned, with the attack on the train was a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence. Other observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide," or referred to them as state terrorism or ethnic cleansing . Instances of mass violence include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly adjacent to a police training camp; the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri , a former parliamentarian , was among those killed; and several incidents in Vadodara city. Scholars studying the 2002 riots state that they were premeditated and constituted a form of ethnic cleansing , and that the state government and law enforcement were complicit in the violence that occurred. Democratic Culture: Historical and Philosophical Essays . In Jutta Bakonyi; Berit Bliesemann de Guevara (eds.). The Gujarat pogrom: compilation of various reports . A Companion to the Anthropology of India . "Gujarat Elections: The Sub-Text of Modi's 'Hattrick'—High Tech Populism and the 'Neo-middle Class' " .

Sectarian violence in the Indian state against Muslims in independent India The 2002 Gujarat riots , also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence or the Gujarat pogrom , was a three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat . The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims and karsevaks returning from Ayodhya , is cited as having instigated the violence. Following the initial riot incidents, there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three months; statewide, there were further outbreaks of violence against the minority Muslim population of Gujarat for the next year. According to official figures, the riots ended with 1,044 dead, 223 missing, and 2,500 injured. Of the dead, 790 were Muslim and 254 Hindu. The Concerned Citizens Tribunal Report estimated that as many as 1,926 may have been killed. Other sources estimated death tolls in excess of 2,000. Many brutal killings and rapes were reported on as well as widespread looting and destruction of property. Narendra Modi , then Chief Minister of Gujarat and later Prime Minister of India , was accused of condoning the violence, as were police and government officials who allegedly directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to them. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by Special Investigation Team (SIT) appointed by the Supreme Court of India . The SIT also rejected claims that the state government had not done enough to prevent the riots. The Muslim community was reported to have reacted with anger and disbelief. In July 2013, allegations were made that the SIT had suppressed evidence. That December, an Indian court upheld the earlier SIT report and rejected a petition seeking Modi's prosecution. In April 2014, the Supreme Court expressed satisfaction over the SIT's investigations in nine cases related to the violence, and rejected a plea contesting the SIT report as "baseless". Though officially classified as a communalist riot , the events of 2002 have been described as a pogrom by many scholars, with some commentators alleging that the attacks had been planned, with the attack on the train being a "staged trigger" for what was actually premeditated violence. Other observers have stated that these events had met the "legal definition of genocide," or referred to them as state terrorism or ethnic cleansing . Instances of mass violence include the Naroda Patiya massacre that took place directly adjacent to a police training camp; the Gulbarg Society massacre where Ehsan Jafri , a former parliamentarian , was among those killed; and several incidents in Vadodara city. Scholars studying the 2002 riots state that they were premeditated and constituted a form of ethnic cleansing , and that the state government and law enforcement were complicit in the violence that occurred. The Wire (India) . 27 February 2022 . This article is extracted and adapted from the author's book Between Memory and Forgetting: Massacre and the Modi Years in Gujarat, Yoda Press, 2019. Democratic Culture: Historical and Philosophical Essays . In Jutta Bakonyi; Berit Bliesemann de Guevara (eds.). The Gujarat pogrom: compilation of various reports . A Companion to the Anthropology of India . "Gujarat Elections: The Sub-Text of Modi's 'Hattrick'—High Tech Populism and the 'Neo-middle Class' " .