Did Wikipedia remove the word "occupation" from the Churchill White Paper article?

Yes. "occupation" appeared 1 times in this article's opening at its peak. Today the opening has none; the body has 1. We saved the article's opening paragraph at 6 moments between 2005 and 2025, and the counts come from those saved copies.

When did the Churchill White Paper article stop using the word "occupation"?

The word appeared 1 times in the opening at its peak in 2005. It is absent from today's opening, the part search engines quote and AI systems train on, checked against the live article on 2026-08-02.

How can I verify what Wikipedia's Churchill White Paper article used to say?

Each snapshot on this page links the Wikipedia revision it came from, so you can open their own history and compare. We also keep our own copy of the text, which stays readable if the article changes again.

What did Wikipedia remove from the Churchill White Paper article?

The opening as it read in 2005

That Declaration announced the British intent to aid the "establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people", wording which became controversial.¹ The key components of the White Paper are summarized by these quotations from it: "The tension which has prevailed from time to time in Palestine is mainly due to apprehensions, which are entertained both by sections of the Arab and by sections of the Jewish population. These apprehensions, so far as the Arabs are concerned are partly based upon exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of the [Balfour] Declaration favouring the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, made on behalf of His Majesty's Government on 2 November 1917 ." 'Unauthorized statements have been made to the effect that the purpose in view is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been used such as that Palestine is to become "as Jewish as England is English." His Majesty's Government regard any such expectation as impracticable and have no such aim in view. They would draw attention to the fact that the terms of the Declaration referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded "in Palestine." In this connection it has been observed with satisfaction that at a meeting of the Zionist Congress, the supreme governing body of the Zionist Organization, held at Carlsbad in September, 1921, a resolution was passed expressing as the official statement of Zionist aims "the determination of the Jewish people to live with the Arab people on terms of unity and mutual respect, and together with them to make the common home into a flourishing community, the upbuilding of which may assure to each of its peoples an undisturbed national development"'. 'it is contemplated that the status of all citizens of Palestine in the eyes of the law shall be Palestinian, and it has never been intended that they, or any section of them, should possess any other juridical status. So far as the Jewish population of Palestine are concerned it appears that some among them are apprehensive that His Majesty's Government may depart from the policy embodied in the Declaration of 1917. It is necessary, therefore, once more to affirm that these fears are unfounded, and that that Declaration, re affirmed by the Conference of the Principal Allied Powers at San Remo and again in the Treaty of Sevres, is not susceptible of change.' 'During the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in Palestine a community, now numbering 80,000 ... it is essential that it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on the sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary that the existence of a Jewish National Home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection.' 'This, then, is the interpretation which His Majesty's Government place upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood, the Secretary of State is of opinion that it does not contain or imply anything which need cause either alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or disappointment to the Jews.' Having clarified the understanding and intent of the British government, the White Paper continues, outlining a measure to assist in attaining the objectives: 'For the fulfilment of this policy it is necessary that the Jewish community in Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by immigration. This immigration cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals. ... The number of immigrants since the British occupation has been about 25,000.' It also expressed the British view on the reason for not immediately forming an independent government of Palestine, addressing the conflicting claims related to the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence , Sykes-Picot Agreement and subsequent Balfour Declaration : 'It is not the case, as has been represented by the Arab Delegation, that during the war His Majesty's Government gave an undertaking that an independent national government should be at once established in Palestine. This representation mainly rests upon a letter dated the 24 October 1915 , from Sir Henry McMahon, then His Majesty's High Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sharif of Mecca, now King Hussein of the Kingdom of the Hejaz. That letter is quoted as conveying the promise to the Sherif of Mecca to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs within the territories proposed by him. But this promise was given subject to a reservation made in the same letter, which excluded from its scope, among other territories, the portions of Syria lying to the west of the District of Damascus. This reservation has always been regarded by His Majesty's Government as covering the vilayet of Beirut and the independent Sanjak of Jerusalem. The whole of Palestine west of the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir. This is controversial, for it both abrogates what Arabs believe to be an undertaking from the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence that the Arab state would include Palestine and sets an eastern border for Palestine which conflicts with some modern claims that the Jewish home was intended to include Transjordan , by giving a west of Syria boundary, consistent with the Sykes-Picot Agreement . The following is from the Balfour Declaration, 1917 article: Although the White Paper stated that the Balfour Declaration could not be amended and that the Jews were in Palestine by right, it partitioned the area of the Mandate by excluding the area east of the Jordan River from Jewish settlement. That land, 76% of the original Palestine Mandate by area but mostly very sparsely populated desert, was renamed Transjordan and was given to the Hashemite Emir Abdullah from Mecca , son of King Hussein of Hejaz, who was soon forced from his kingdom by the ambitious Ibn Saud . This was a reward by the British for the Hashemite family's help in the fight against the Ottoman Empire . Today it is the Kingdom of Jordan ruled by Abdullah's great-grandson, Abdullah II. The majority of Jordanian citizens today are Palestinian refugees.²

This is Wikipedia's own text, saved in our repository. Their copy of it is revision 16198664.

The opening as it stood in 2010 20 passages from the previous snapshot no longer appear

The Churchill White Paper (also known as The British White Paper of 1922 ) of 3 June 1922 clarified how Britain viewed the Balfour Declaration, 1917 . That Declaration announced the British intent to aid the "establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people", wording which became controversial.

Red text was written in or rewritten since the previous snapshot. Their copy is revision 367587239.

The opening as it stood in 2015

The Churchill White Paper (also known as The British White Paper of 1922 ) of 3 June 1922 clarified how Britain viewed the Balfour Declaration, 1917 . That Declaration announced the British intent to aid the "establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people." It took its name from Winston Churchill , the then- Secretary of State for the Colonies .

Red text was written in or rewritten since the previous snapshot. Their copy is revision 643149493.

The opening as it stood in 2020 2 passages from the previous snapshot no longer appear

1922 British Policy in Palestine *Document #1 Pages 2–4 *Document #2 Pages 5–11 *Document #3 Pages 11–15 *Document #4 Pages 15–17 *Document #5 Page 17 *Enclosure in #5 Pages 17–21 *Document #6 Pages 21–28 *Document #7 Pages 28–29 *Document #8 Pages 29–30 *Document #9 Pages 30–31 Pages 17–21, "British Policy in Palestine" sometimes known as the "Churchill memorandum" The Churchill White Paper of 3 June 1922 (...sometimes referred to as "British Policy in Palestine". The official name of the document was Palestine - Correspondence with the Palestine Arab Delegation and the Zionist Organisation . It was made up of nine documents and "Churchill's memorandum" was an enclosure to document #5. ) was drafted at the request of Winston Churchill , Secretary of State for the Colonies, partly in response to the 1921 Jaffa Riots . While maintaining Britain's commitment to the Balfour Declaration and its promise of a Jewish national home in Palestine, the paper emphasized that the establishment of a national home would not impose a Jewish nationality on the Arab inhabitants of Palestine. To reduce tensions between the Arabs and Jews in Palestine the paper called for a limitation of Jewish immigration to the economic capacity of the country to absorb new arrivals. This limitation was considered a great setback to many in the Zionist movement, though it acknowledged that the Jews should be able to increase their numbers by immigration as of right and not on sufferance.

Red text was written in or rewritten since the previous snapshot. Their copy is revision 959116026.

The opening as it stood on October 6, 2023

1922 British Policy in Palestine *Document #1 Pages 2–4 *Document #2 Pages 5–11 *Document #3 Pages 11–15 *Document #4 Pages 15–17 *Document #5 Page 17 *Enclosure in #5 Pages 17–21 *Document #6 Pages 21–28 *Document #7 Pages 28–29 *Document #8 Pages 29–30 *Document #9 Pages 30–31 Pages 17–21, "British Policy in Palestine" sometimes known as the "Churchill memorandum" The Churchill White Paper of 3 June 1922 (sometimes referred to as "British Policy in Palestine") was drafted at the request of Winston Churchill , then Secretary of State for the Colonies , partly in response to the 1921 Jaffa Riots . The official name of the document was Palestine: Correspondence with the Palestine Arab Delegation and the Zionist Organisation . The white paper was made up of nine documents and "Churchill's memorandum" was an enclosure to document number 5. While maintaining Britain's commitment to the Balfour Declaration and its promise of a Jewish national home in Mandatory Palestine , the paper emphasized that the establishment of a national home would not impose a Jewish nationality on the Arab inhabitants of Palestine. To reduce tensions between the Arabs and Jews in Palestine the paper called for a limitation of Jewish immigration to the economic capacity of the country to absorb new arrivals. This limitation was considered a great setback to many in the Zionist movement, though it acknowledged that the Jews should be able to increase their numbers through immigration rather than sufferance.

Red text was written in or rewritten since the previous snapshot. Their copy is revision 1176485440.

The opening as it stood in 2025

1922 British Policy in Palestine Front cover of the white paper Pages 17–21, "British Policy in Palestine" sometimes known as the "Churchill memorandum" The Churchill White Paper of 3 June 1922 (sometimes referred to as "British Policy in Palestine") was drafted at the request of Winston Churchill , then Secretary of State for the Colonies , partly in response to the 1921 Jaffa Riots . The official name of the document was Palestine: Correspondence with the Palestine Arab Delegation and the Zionist Organisation . The white paper was made up of nine documents and "Churchill's memorandum" was an enclosure to document number 5. While maintaining Britain's commitment to the Balfour Declaration and its promise of a Jewish national home in Mandatory Palestine , the paper emphasized that the establishment of a national home would not impose a Jewish nationality on the Arab inhabitants of Palestine. To reduce tensions between the Arabs and Jews in Palestine the paper called for a limitation of Jewish immigration to the economic capacity of the country to absorb new arrivals. This limitation was considered a great setback to many in the Zionist movement, though it acknowledged that the Jews should be able to increase their numbers through immigration rather than sufferance.

Red text was written in or rewritten since the previous snapshot. Their copy is revision 1289528719. This is our newest snapshot; the live article may have moved again since.